25 November 2012, EMALAHLENI
Greetings to all delegates to this leadership session of the SACP and the fraternal organisations and guests present.
We are honoured as the CPS to have this opportunity to convey a message of support so that the working class of the Province can share the sentiments of the working class of Swaziland under the present crisis of imperialism, how they impact to the Swazi conditions under the Mswati autocracy.
Tinkhundla capitalism, since the 2010 financial crisis as a result of the cut in SACU revenue, has been weakened and contradictions within the ruling elite have widened. These conditions give enough space for the mobilisation of the oppressed majority to wage a struggle to overthrow the autocracy and build the democratic society, which is necessary to end the misery to the poor and working class. This demands a close unity amongst the pro democracy forces in our country and a firm international solidarity movement to help build a strong mass movement of the people to carry forward the struggle.
As the CPS, we have made some contributions to this by first defining the situation as a transition, in which Swaziland breaks with autocracy towards democracy. Though the regime denies the permanent nature of the crisis, the reality is that the Mswati autocracy will never be run in the same old way, and any efforts for its survival will deepen the crisis and bring its end nearer. We have emphasised that its end will not just come without the effort of its historic victims, the workers and the poor masses in the countryside and the urban poor, and have mobilised to its full strength and consolidated with other forces not of the working class, but who are directly opposed to the autocracy. The consolidation of these forces is needed through a revolutionary movement such as PUDEMO, that could unite the broadest sections of the progressive people of the country.
As CPS, we have developed a programme to build first the CPS to be a vanguard of the working class and to work towards the building up the strength of PUDEMO to carry forward this task, while leading a broad front, the majority of the front only capable of a total defeat to the Mswati autocracy, are the workers and the poor only if they are armed with the correct ideas of social progress.
The situation in Swaziland has not yet changed and will not change until greater efforts in building unity amongst the forces of the oppressed is achieved. When the larger sections of the front line forces are not intimidated by unity and the free and active involvement of the working class in every level of our political, organisational and ideological work. When all elements of disunity are openly condemned and practical efforts of building unity are commended and propagated as achievements. When such unity in purpose is wielded, the consistent and necessary pressure to the ruling regime, forcing some of its sections to weaver and breaking in front of the revolutionary strength of the united and fighting people.
The working class and poor in Swaziland have been the major target of the Mswati rule since the financial crisis. The regime defined three important tasks for its survival.
One was for the regime to remain afloat whist the crisis deepened with no solutions at place. The regime then focused on using all efforts of state to siphon the masses and workers money in order to be able to keep running. The parastatals were the vehicle for revenue sourcing because they deal directly with the basic needs of the working class, water, electricity, communication, transport, and housing, small business, workers and the poor masses were victims of high taxes and falling wages. The public service such as health and education neglected (these are only services the autocracy provide), exposing the working class and poor to severe conditions.
The second task the regime set for itself was tighten repression by strengthening and reorienting organs of the state; the courts to issue wrong sentences against pro democracy activists and trade union organisations and their actions, police and army to arbitrary arrest, detain and torture political activists. The role of the chiefs has been renewed to act intimidate families of pro democracy activists and try political cases leading to massive evictions and isolation of young political activists from scholarships and access to pre tertiary education.
Thirdly, the regime had to mobilise support from international politically weak and rightwing liberal bourgeois states and individuals to help whist offering them unlimited access to the natural resources, the land and minerals. The Mswati regime has used this to appear not isolated by the international community and presented the autocracy as a survivor against all odds of the capitalist crisis heating the entire world. Whist he claim all these, the voice of the democratic world against the autocracy is increasing and penetrating to the country which he has decided to isolate the people from by deny free press.
Tinkhundla capitalism has not completely ignored the inevitable growth of strength of the pro democracy and is in all attempts to draw the weaker sections of these forces to some deal in order to neutralise its militancy and radical demand for total freedom. The Mswati autocracy is using its 2005 constitution to draw these forces to the deal by presenting the constitution to be democratic and with space for the transitions when in fact the constitution is just his door mate and he has power over it and can revoke it and any of its developments when he feels it has potential to control his greed over the resources of the land.
The growth and decisive action is undermined by bickering and disunity within forces in the revolutionary movement. Political short sightedness on the crisis of the autocracy and the political development of the forces for the revolution is visible. The dominance of liberal bourgeois interests over the revolutionary working class interests is the chief enemy of unity in the pro democracy movement. This has given space to the rightwing bourgeois forces to feel they can submit the revolutionary movement to the enemy by striking a deal with the autocracy under the pretext that the working class is not capable enough to wage a decisive struggle against the autocracy and therefore to think of a revolution is fallacy and un-realistic.
It is under such falsified thinking of the bourgeois that some sections of the pro democracy movement are creating a conflict between the CPS and PUDEMO because a good relationship between the two organisations is an important facet for the building of a strong base of unity and struggle. A harmonious discussions on what to be done that involves a principled session between PUDEMO, CPS and TUCOSWA, and later the peasant committees, is the only missing link in our struggle today.
The CPS has also shared some perspectives towards a programme for building this unity. This would be a transitional programme for the disbandment of the Mswati government and the establishment of an interim government. We have tried to put in some details on how these can take place and in no case does this outline presents a CPS dominance, but it only secures the active role of the historically marginalised, the workers and the poor, and not only for them, but the entire revolutionary people including some sections of the bourgeois who are for the republic and agree on the active mobilisation of the working class and the poor for the total overthrow of the Mswati autocracy.
We are also running three (3) campaigns. One is The Break the Chains Campaign calling for the unconditional release of prisoners and detainees in Mswati’s jail, the unconditional return of political prisoners, and the Unbanning of all political organisation. Secondly, is the Land for Food Campaign calling for the access of land and recourses for agriculture to end hunger and rural poverty and isolation of the people of the countryside. Thirdly, the Boycott of Mswati’s Anti Democracy 2013 Election. These are momentous programmes whist the boycott of the election becomes politically pivotal since it challenges directly the legitimacy of the Mswati regime and brings forward tactics of struggles for the future, beyond the election farce.
We request the SACP and the entire forces in South Africa even beyond where SACP can reach, to give necessary support for the success of the campaign. Some of the areas may include
- The lobbying of the South Africa Government to increase its isolation of the Mswati regime and deny all its cohorts economic survival in the country.
- The lobbying of the South African government to use its membership in SADC to improve SADC stance on the elections in Swaziland.
- Lobby the SA Government to use its membership in Commonwealth to debate against the stance of this body to be a lobbyist for the Mswati autocracy for the finances and recognition of the shame elections.
- To continue build our relations to the level of PARTY to PARTY relations as the only strength for building working class solidarity and socialism.
- To support our network with other key organisations for support and solidarity against these elections and beyond.
- To support in the building of operational network throughout the province for the requirements of the campaign.
- Invite the PROVINCE to be part of our summer school due December 21 to 30 and request support on logistics.
DOWN WITH MSWATI AUTOCRACY
DOWN WITH TINKHUNDLA CAPITALISM
DOWN WITH ALL COLLUSION WITH THE MSWATI DICTATORSHIP
LONG LIVE INTERNATIONALISM
FORWARD TO SOCIALISM
AMANDLA
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